Ickes' Shadows Avoid the Light
About the same time Bill Clinton was
exchanging notes and golf clubs with Arthur Coia two years ago, the
Justice Department was preparing to take over his corrupt union. After
he raised millions for Clinton's campaign, the feds agreed to give
the notorious labor leader a chance to clean up the Laborers
International Union of North America.
How was that possible? Did Clinton allow a presidential supporter
to dodge racketeering charges?
These are the kinds of tough questions that would have to be
answered by Harold Ickes if the former labor lawyer turned White
House deputy chief of staff were ever nominated for a cabinet post
and faced a Senate confirmation hearing. And this is why, among
other reasons, the crude, foulmouthed attorney is coming home to New
York City.
Before landing a White House job, Ickes knew a measure of infamy
as the unofficial Deputy Mayor for Coverups under former Mayor David
Dinkins. He is perhaps even the hand behind the "Dear Dad" letter, a
phony memo that transferred Inner City Broadcasting stock between
mayor and son at a time when owning shares in the cable-TV company
would be inconvenient for Dinkins, to say the least.
Ickes later testified before a federal grand jury investigating
the matter, and former Brooklyn U.S. Attorney Andrew Maloney said he
considered indicting Ickes for perjury.
After being passed over as Clinton's chief of staff, Ickes said
he would like to get another job in the administration, but it is
unlikely that he would take a job that required confirmation
hearings. Clinton is trying to avoid these kind of collisions.
In a way, that is too bad. The questions that have dogged Ickes
for years go unanswered. We will miss seeing him challenged by the
Republicans.
"Was the Dinkins stock letter a forgery?"
The stock transfer was easy work compared with the labor
business. Ickes, 56, a Manhattan lawyer and career Democratic
infighter, worked for a firm that represented Local 100 of the Hotel
Employes and Restaurant Employes International Union from 1983 to
1991. In 1992, the feds filed a civil racketeering suit against the
union charging that the Colombo and Gambino crime families
controlled it.
Ickes later claimed he never knew it was mob connected, but he
had sat in court next to union official Anthony (Chick) Amodeo in
1985. At the time, Amodeo was being questioned about the union's
relationship with Gambino boss Paul Castellano.
"Were you ever employed by the Gambino crime family, Mr.
Ickes?"
Ickes was kept away from the White House in 1992 while Mary
Shannon Little, a former federal prosecutor, was named by the
Justice Department to conduct a special investigation into Ickes and
his Mineola, L.I., law firm. She wrote a 57-page report, which was
never released to the public.
"How do you know you have been cleared, Mr. Ickes, if you
never read the report clearing you?"
The New York Times wrote a story vindicating Ickes in 1993,
without seeing Little's report. This cleared the way for Ickes to
work in the White House. Later we learned that Ickes had worked as
the lawyer for then-Times editor Max Frankel. Imagine how Sen. Trent
Lott would handle this one.
New York Newsday sued to get a look at Little's report on Ickes,
but the newspaper folded before the Court of Appeals made a final
ruling.
It is difficult to know who should get the credit for Clinton's
reelection. Ickes helped keep certain Democrats at peace. Mostly he
talked to former client the Rev. Jesse Jackson. Ickes detests Dick
Morris, who made Clinton a Republican. Ickes was said to have signed
Morris' expense accounts.
"When did you realize Mr. Morris was charging the Clinton
campaign for his prostitute?"
No one knows more secrets then Ickes, who was brought to the
White House to work the heath care overhaul and worked Whitewater
instead. He contacted a Treasury official to get an update on the
investigation.
"Were you attempting to fix the Whitewater case, Mr. Ickes?"
The idea of Ickes before a microphone is frightening. He
could get labor leaders, even scary ones, in to see Clinton. One of
the most devious was Arthur Coia, a regular White House visitor. We
have seen copies of signed letters to him from Hillary and Bill. The
Justice Department allowed Coia to keep control of the
750,000-member laborers union after he admitted letting mobsters run
it.
"Did you know you were allowing the President of the United
States to meet with an alleged mobster?"
If they ever get around to asking any of these questions at a
confirmation hearing for Ickes, you can turn off the lights on
Clinton's presidency.
Original Story Date: 11/13/96 Original Story
Section: News Fix
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