LABORERS (LIUNA)
How an FBI Sting Operation Exposed Providence's Construction Racket see original article See Providence Bulletin Journal Stories on Laborers
It rivaled some of the best scripts of "The Sopranos," only this was real life.  A nearly three-year-long federal sting operation had exposed the workings of a network of Rhode Island construction businesses, union officials, and mobsters.  The character bringing down the house of cards, however unwittingly, Matthew Guglielmetti, age 56, was at once a Mafia made man who'd done prison time, a Laborers' shop steward, and an "employee" of an FBI front company.  The Providence Journal, in a highly detailed investigation published in late April, recounted how it all went down. 

On the morning of this past January 20, federal, state and local law enforcement agents, search warrants and cardboard boxes in hand, entered the Arthur E. Coia Building at 226 South Main St., Providence, headquarters of Local 271 of the Laborers International Union of North America (LIUNA).  The edifice was named for a powerful official of the international union whose son, Arthur A. Coia, headed the union during 1993-99.  Agents also raided Capital City Concrete in neighboring Cranston.  Earlier that day, they had arrested Guglielmetti and a pair of associates in nearby Johnston.  

Construction contracting in Rhode Island long has operated through underworld deals.  In 1988 a state police intelligence report described the extent to which New England's Patriarca crime family controlled local unions, especially the Laborers.  Edward "Mulligan" Romano, a top lieutenant in the Patriarca mob, along with his two brothers, Joseph and Louis (all three are now deceased), pretty much ran Local 271.  The report read in part:  "(Edward) Romano, because of his union power and organized crime position, has used this influence to settle disputes between construction companies and the union workers.  In return, Romano is reported to have received kickbacks from the construction companies." 

The Laborers in many cities had been shot through with corruption; the criminal racket that was Local 210 in Buffalo alone merits a book.  By the mid 90s LIUNA was on the verge of being slapped with a massive federal RICO suit.  But the younger Coia, by now the union's international president, used his friendship with President Clinton and other top White House officials, to broker an arrangement:  LIUNA would clean its own house and in turn the feds would call off the prosecution.  A former federal prosecutor, Robert D. Luskin, became the union's in-house investigator/prosecutor.  He took down dozens, if not hundreds, of mobsters and mob associates within the union.  Arthur A. Coia was investigated, but survived the process.  A union disciplinary hearing cleared him of ties to organized crime.  He was, however, nailed for tax evasion, for failing to report having taken delivery of three high-end Ferraris from a Rhode Island dealer that leased vehicles to union executives.  In late 1999 he agreed to step down and make way for ally Terence O'Sullivan to assume the reins of LIUNA.          

But evidence had continued to mount that LIUNA still was in the hip pockets of mobsters.  Sometime early this decade the FBI decided that a good way to infiltrate the union and its friends in the mob and the construction industry, at least in the Providence area, was to set up a fake company.  Guglielmetti, a native of Cranston, would be their mark.  He was hardly unknown in law-enforcement circles.  He'd spent the first half of the 90s in federal prison on a racketeering conviction.  After his release, the old habits didn't die easily.  In 1997 he wound up in a Pawtucket hospital with two stab wounds.  Guglielmetti declined to talk to police, saying it was "family policy" to consult with a lawyer first.  That same year, cops wiretapped and nailed a mob gambling ring.  One of its leaders, Rudolph Sciarra, mentioned a character nicknamed "Good-Looking," a reference to Matthew Guglielmetti.  Guglielmetti was not among the dozen and a half charged in that case.  

Guglielmetti all this time still belonged to LIUNA Local 271.  It wasn't supposed to be that way.  But because of a paperwork error in Luskin's office, he was never thrown out.  Instead, he resigned from the local, took a job with another local in the Boston area, and not long after that rejoined Local 271.  In need of a job, he got one as a steward for Capital City Concrete.  The company in 2003 was chosen as the minority contractor for a $5.8 million parking garage for the Kent County Court House in Warwick.

The owner of Capital City was Lori DeRobbio; her husband Albert DeRobbio was a company vice president.  Mrs. DeRobbio had been around the concrete industry for a long while.  Her father, Tom Manni, founded Atlantic Concrete Forms in Cranston, where she was chief financial officer during 1986-99.  Following her father's death, she started Capital City Concrete.  By 2002, her company was pulling in some $2.5 million in business, thanks in large part to the company's eligibility (being headed by a woman) for preferential "minority-group" treatment.  By the end of 2003 the company had been selected for $7 million in contract work for the $300 million tunnel to prevent sewage from overflowing into Narrangansett Bay.  In negotiations with unions, Lori DeRobbio got some heavyweight consulting in the form of Arthur A. Coia.    

She didn't know it at the time, but her new employee, Matthew Guglielmetti, was a silent partner for another contractor:  the federal government.

In April 2002 the FBI had set up a straw company, Hemphill Construction, and opened for business in a shopping plaza in nearby Johnston, R.I.  Its partners were two men with the aliases "Mike Jameson" and "Mike Sullivan."  The pair launched Hemphill with the help of fourth-generation Rhode Island contractor Gerald Diodati, who, for unspecified reasons, stopped doing business with the company sometime in 2003. 

Sometime after Hemphill opened, one of the undercover agents was introduced to Guglielmetti.  Though the circumstances of the meeting were unclear, according to court records, the made man became a silent partner.  A FBI affidavit revealed that Guglielmetti started taking money from the company, "including a share of the profits from laundering what Guglielmetti believed were drug proceeds through the undercover business." 

In the fall of 2003, as work on the Warwick garage was progressing, state court officials were pressing local contractors to turn over its payroll records in order to conduct criminal background checks.  Capital City Concrete was one of the last to comply.  About a week before Guglielmetti stopped working on the garage, the company turned over the records.  Nothing turned up in the state files; apparently, Guglielmetti had unspecified charges expunged.  But the cops knew who he was and where to find him.

In October 2003 Rhode Island and Massachusetts police detectives stopped by the construction site to see Guglielmetti.  They came to tell him that his voice, and that of New England crime boss Luigi "Baby Shacks" Manocchio, had been picked up by federal wiretaps in Massachusetts.  They had been discussing with some Boston wise guys collecting gambling debts mediating a mob dispute.  In December a court administrator, Paul Petit, recognized Guglielmetti's name from his previous job at the state prison, and ran another criminal check.  Again, nothing turned up.  Petit decided to visit the site.  But Guglielmetti wasn't working there anymore.  Local 271 had gotten him a job at another Capital City Concrete site, a pumping station in West Warwick.    
       
By this time the FBI had set its sights on Capital City Concrete.  Hemphill's "Mike Jameson" approached Lori DeRobbio, indicating a desire to invest in her business; it was none other than Guglielmetti who introduced her to him.  "He's (Jameson's) a nice guy, he's educated, you're educated, and he's looking to break into the business," she recalled Guglielmetti saying.  Capital City and Hemphill Construction wound up bidding together on a clubhouse renovation job in Warwick, but didn't get the contract.

In December 2003 Albert DeRobbio met with Jameson, Diodati and Arthur Coia at the Providence Marriott.  Hemphill Construction wanted Coia to represent them as a consultant.  Coia replied that he'd have to think about it.  One year later, in December 2004, Lori DeRobbio went to see Jameson in a Coia-arranged meeting.  The place looked suspiciously staged, and she pulled out of the deal, using her recent marital problems as the pretext.  But Gulgielmetti was convinced Hemphill could provide him with some needed cash, specifically $67,000 to guard a nonexistent shipment of cocaine passing through Rhode Island en route to Canada.  The phantom deal, captured on audio and videotape, was sealed on January 18, 2005.  And so was Guglielmetti's fate.  Two days later, when he walked into the Hemphill office to collect his payoff, he got handcuffs instead.    

Matthew Gugliemetti this March agreed to plead guilty to cocaine trafficking charges.  He is expected to receive 12 years in prison.  If he sings, he might wind up taking down some bigger fish in the Laborers' union with him.  At this point, he doesn't have much to lose.  (Providence Journal, April 24).
 

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