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AUD objects to Teamster election rules
A UD has filed objections to the rules proposed by the
Teamster union for its 2000/2001 election of convention dele-
gates and international officers. A UD ‘s comments were sub-
mitted by Michael Goldberg. The most egregious of the rules
would require that the names of all union members who make
campaign contributions be made public, a rule which would
obviously subject critics of the ruling regime to retaliation.
Portions of A UD ‘s statement on this subject follow:
[One] unjustified and dangerous departure from past prac-
tice in the proposed election rules...would enable candidates
for international office to obtain copies of the contribution re-
ports filed by independent committees—reports that must re-
veal the identities of all Teamsters who have contributed to
these committees....[It] threatens to cripple Teamsters for a
Democratic Union and [has] the devastating potential to de-
stroy it as a vital force for reform and democracy in the IBT.
(TDU, in other words, would have to provide James Hoffa
with a complete list of its members, since [TDU] dues pay-
ments would presumably be considered contributions under
the proposed rules.)
The proposed election rules would accomplish what years
of trying
by the likes of Frank Fitzsimmons, Roy Williams,
Jackie Presser, and their mob allies could not—the elimination
of TDU as an effective force for change and democracy in the
IBT. It is hard to believe the proponents of the proposed rules
did not have that in mind, but even if they did not, they cannot
deny the foreseeable effect their proposed rules would have on
TDU. Adoption of these rules would make a mockery of the
Consent Decree and of all the progress that has been achieved
under it,
and that cannot be permitted to happen....
For 25 years, TDU has been an important agent for reform
in the IBT. Through TDU’s courageous efforts, beginning in
the darkest days of organized crime’s infiltration and domina-
tion of the IBT, thousands of rank and file Teamsters have
been educated about their rights to speak at union meetings,
run for union office, publish newsletters, propose amendments
to local bylaws, participate in contract campaigns, and in doz-
ens of other ways become actively involved in the struggle to
make their union more democratic and effective in represent-
ing their interests at the bargaining table. Long before the fed-
eral government began using civil RICO as a tool for reform-
ing the union, TDU was calling for the direct rank and file
election of the IBT’s top officers, and for other changes like
elected shop stewards and an end to the common practice of
top union officials collecting multiple salaries and multiple
pensions by simultaneously holding two, three, or four union
positions each one
of which was supposedly a full-time job....
TDU’s existence has been critical to the success that has
been achieved thus far under the 1989 Consent Decree. Indeed
the very reforms incorporated into the Consent Decree were
developed in close cooperation with TDU and were proposed
by federal prosecutors....
In the years before the Consent Decree, the IBT’s “Old
Guard” leadership fully recognized the threat TDU proposed
to their continued domination of the union, and they resorted
to all types of repressive and intimidating tactics to frighten
members away from TDU, if not to drive it out of existence
completely. They did everything from telling reformers from
the podium of the IBT’s 1976 convention that they could “Go
to hell,” to threatening and carrying out beatings and even
murders of reformers and political rivals, denying them fair
representation in contractual grievance procedures or access to
jobs through union-run hiring halls, and violently attacking a
TDU national convention. Indeed, some of those actions, in-
cluding the attack on TDU’s convention were among the
RICO predicate acts upon which the government’s litigation
leading to the Consent Decree were based....
TDU opposed the election of the IBT’s current leadership
and has been a persistent critic of many of their policies and
actions since they won the 1998 rerun election. For that rea-
son, the IBT’s current leaders have the same incentives and
motivations as the pre-Consent Decree Old Guard had to see
TDU weakened or destroyed. Any such motivation is of
course denied by the IBT’s present leadership, but the election
rules proposed by that leadership, whatever their intent, will, if
adopted, have the inevitable effect of furthering that unaccept-
able result....
The long history of threats, intimidation, violence and eco-
nomic retaliation against dissenters and reformers in the
Teamsters is
well documented and cannot be ignored....
Economic retaliation against dissenters is particularly easy to
accomplish in the IBT. This is especially true for those Team-
sters who obtain work through union-run hiring halls, but un-
ion power to threaten members’ jobs as a means of suppress-
ing dissent is also easily accomplished through the grievance
procedure. TDU members, who are often critical of their un-
ion’s performance in collective bargaining and contract en-
forcement, are particularly vulnerable to this threat because
they are likely to be thorns in the side of management as well
as the union. In such cases, it is often possible for the em-
ployer to manufacture grounds for firing the worker in ques-
tion, confident that the union will not aggressively pursue the
grievance, if
it does not sabotage it outright.
The incumbent Hoffa administration has made no secret of
its hostility to TDU, and rank and file reformers have good
reason to fear retaliation if their membership in TDU were
disclosed to the union. The AUD has reason to believe that
continued on page 12
Union Democracy Review’
No. 130
Published by:
500 State Street
Brooklyn NY 11217
Phone (718) 855-6650
Herman Benson, Editor
Carl Biers, Executive Director
June, 2000
Association for Union Democracy
www.uniondemocracy.org
E-mail:aud@igc.org
Fax:
(718)855-6799
Subscriptions:
$15
individual, $30 organizations
Contributions are
tax deductible.
Union Democracy Review
aims
to promote the principles and practices of internal union democ-
racy in the North American labor movement. Toward this end, it
makes its pages available for discussion.
June 2000
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Union Democracy Review
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